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Bernard Lewis, FBA (born 31 May 1916) is a British-American historian specializing in oriental studies. He is also known as a public intellectual and political commentator. Lewis is the Cleveland E. Dodge Professor Emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. The questions that Bernard Lewis posed, and the answers that he gave, are still at the center of our politics, which is why his death produced such an outpouring of passions, for and against him. But now he is himself a subject in. The Legacy of Bernard Lewis.pdf.

Bernard Lewis, FBA (31 May 1916 – 19 May 2018) was a British American historian specializing in oriental studies.^[2] He was also known as a public intellectual and political commentator. Lewis was the Cleveland E. Dodge Professor Emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. Lewis' expertise was in the history of Islam and the interaction between Islam and the West. He was also noted in academic circles for his works on the history of the Ottoman Empire.^[3]

Lewis served as a soldier in the British Army in the Royal Armoured Corps and Intelligence Corps during the Second World War before being seconded to the Foreign Office. After the war, he returned to the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and was appointed to the new chair in Near and Middle Eastern History.

In 2007 and 1999, respectively, Lewis was called 'the West's leading interpreter of the Middle East'^[4] and 'the most influential postwar historian of Islam and the Middle East'.^[3] His advice was frequently sought by neoconservative policymakers, including the Bush administration.^[5] However, his support of the Iraq War and neoconservative ideals have since come under scrutiny.^{[6][7][8][9][10][11]}

Lewis was also notable for his public debates with Edward Said, who accused Lewis and other orientalists of misrepresenting Islam and serving the purposes of imperialist domination,^[12] to which Lewis responded by defending Orientalism as a facet of humanism and accusing Said of politicizing the subject.^[3][13] Lewis argued that the deaths of the Armenian Genocide resulted from a struggle between two nationalistic movements^[14] and that there is no proof of intent by the Ottoman government to exterminate the Armenian nation.^[15] These views prompted a number of scholars to accuse Lewis of genocide denial and resulted in a successful civil lawsuit against him in a French court.^[16]

• 3Research
• 4Views and influence on contemporary politics
• 7References

Family and personal life[edit]

Bernard Lewis was born to middle-class Jewish parents, Harry Lewis and the former Jane Levy,^[1] in Stoke Newington, London. He became interested in languages and history while preparing for his bar mitzvah.^[17]

Lewis became a naturalized citizen of the United States in 1982. In 1947 he married Ruth Hélène Oppenhejm, with whom he had a daughter and a son. Their marriage was dissolved in 1974.^[3]

Academic career[edit]

In 1936, Lewis graduated from the School of Oriental Studies (now School of Oriental and African Studies, SOAS) at the University of London with a BA in history with special reference to the Near and Middle East. He earned his PhD three years later, also from SOAS, specializing in the history of Islam.^[18] Lewis also studied law, going part of the way toward becoming a solicitor, but returned to study Middle Eastern history. He undertook post-graduate studies at the University of Paris, where he studied with the orientalist Louis Massignon and earned the 'Diplôme des Études Sémitiques' in 1937.^[3] He returned to SOAS in 1938 as an assistant lecturer in Islamic History.^[19]

Free banana accounting 6 full. During the Second World War, Lewis served in the British Army in the Royal Armoured Corps and as a Corporal in the Intelligence Corps in 1940–41 before being seconded to the Foreign Office.^[20] After the war, he returned to SOAS. In 1949, at the age of 33, he was appointed to the new chair in Near and Middle Eastern History.^[21]

In 1974, aged 57, Lewis accepted a joint position at Princeton University and the Institute for Advanced Study, also located in Princeton, New Jersey. The terms of his appointment were such that Lewis taught only one semester per year, and being free from administrative responsibilities, he could devote more time to research than previously. Consequently, Lewis's arrival at Princeton marked the beginning of the most prolific period in his research career during which he published numerous books and articles based on previously accumulated materials.^[22] After retiring from Princeton in 1986, Lewis served at Cornell University until 1990.^[3]

In 1966, Lewis was a founding member of the learned society, Middle East Studies Association of North America (MESA), but in 2007 he broke away and founded Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA) to challenge MESA, which the New York Sun noted as 'dominated by academics who have been critical of Israel and of America's role in the Middle East'.^[23] The organization was formed as an academic society dedicated to promoting high standards of research and teaching in Middle Eastern and African studies and other related fields, with Lewis as Chairman of its academic council.^[24]

In 1990, the National Endowment for the Humanities selected Lewis for the Jefferson Lecture, the U.S. federal government's highest honor for achievement in the humanities. His lecture, entitled 'Western Civilization: A View from the East', was revised and reprinted in The Atlantic Monthly under the title 'The Roots of Muslim Rage.'^[25][26] His 2007 Irving Kristol Lecture, given to the American Enterprise Institute, was published as Europe and Islam.^[27]

Research[edit]

Lewis' influence extends beyond academia to the general public. He was a pioneer of the social and economic history of the Middle East and is famous for his extensive research of the Ottoman archives.^[3] He began his research career with the study of medieval Arab, especially Syrian, history.^[3] His first article, dedicated to professional guilds of medieval Islam, had been widely regarded as the most authoritative work on the subject for about thirty years.^[28] However, after the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, scholars of Jewish origin found it more and more difficult to conduct archival and field research in Arab countries, where they were suspected of espionage. Therefore, Lewis switched to the study of the Ottoman Empire, while continuing to research Arab history through the Ottoman archives^[3] which had only recently been opened to Western researchers. A series of articles that Lewis published over the next several years revolutionized the history of the Middle East by giving a broad picture of Islamic society, including its government, economy, and demographics.^[28]

Lewis argued that the Middle East is currently backward and its decline was a largely self-inflicted condition resulting from both culture and religion, as opposed to the post-colonialist view which posits the problems of the region as economic and political maldevelopment mainly due to the 19th-century European colonization.^[29] In his 1982 work Muslim Discovery of Europe, Lewis argues that Muslim societies could not keep pace with the West and that 'Crusader successes were due in no small part to Muslim weakness.'^[30] Further, he suggested that as early as the 11th century Islamic societies were decaying, primarily the byproduct of internal problems like 'cultural arrogance,' which was a barrier to creative borrowing, rather than external pressures like the Crusades.^[3]

In the wake of Soviet and Arab attempts to delegitimize Israel as a racist country, Lewis wrote a study of anti-Semitism, Semites and Anti-Semites (1986).^[3] In other works he argued Arab rage against Israel was disproportionate to other tragedies or injustices in the Muslim world, such as the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and control of Muslim-majority land in Central Asia, the bloody and destructive fighting during the Hama uprising in Syria (1982), the Algerian Civil War (1992–1998), and the Iran–Iraq War (1980–1988).^[31]

In addition to his scholarly works, Lewis wrote several influential books accessible to the general public: The Arabs in History (1950), The Middle East and the West (1964), and The Middle East (1995).^[3] In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks, the interest in Lewis's work surged, especially his 1990 essay The Roots of Muslim Rage. Three of his books were published after 9/11: What Went Wrong? (written before the attacks), which explored the reasons of the Muslim world's apprehension of (and sometimes outright hostility to) modernization; The Crisis of Islam; and Islam: The Religion and the People.

Armenian Genocide[edit]

The first two editions of Lewis' The Emergence of Modern Turkey (1961 and 1968) describe the Armenian Genocide as 'the terrible holocaust of 1915, when a million and a half Armenians perished'.^[33] In later editions, this text is altered to 'the terrible slaughter of 1915, when, according to estimates, more than a million Armenians perished, as well as an unknown number of Turks'.^[34] In this passage, Lewis argues that the deaths were the result of a struggle for the same land between two competing nationalist movements.^[14]

The change in Lewis' textual description of the Armenian Genocide and his signing of the petition against the Congressional resolution was controversial among some Armenian historians as well as journalists, who suggested that Lewis was engaging in historical revisionism to serve his own political and personal interests.^[35]

Lewis called the label 'genocide' the 'Armenian version of this history' in a November 1993 interview with Le Monde, for which he faced a civil proceeding in a French court.^[36] In a subsequent exchange on the pages of Le Monde, Lewis wrote that while 'terrible atrocities' did occur, 'there exists no serious proof of a decision and of a plan of the Ottoman government aiming to exterminate the Armenian nation'.^[37] In reference to both these articles, the court stated that Lewis 'failed in his duty of objectivity and prudence in expressing himself without nuance on such a sensitive subject'.^[38] He was ordered to pay one franc as damages for his statements on the Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey.^[39] Three other court cases against Bernard Lewis failed in the Paris tribunal, including one filed by the Armenian National Committee of France and two filed by Jacques Trémollet de Villers.^[39][40]

Lewis' views on the Armenian Genocide were criticized by a number of historians and sociologists, among them Alain Finkielkraut, Yves Ternon, Richard G. Hovannisian, Robert Melson, and Pierre Vidal-Naquet.^{[41][42][43][44]}

Lewis has argued for his denial stance that:

The meaning of genocide is the planned destruction of a religious and ethnic group, as far as it is known to me, there is no evidence for that in the case of the Armenians. [..] There is no evidence of a decision to massacre. On the contrary, there is considerable evidence of attempts to prevent it, which were not very successful. Yes there were tremendous massacres, the numbers are very uncertain but a million may well be likely..^[45] [and] the issue is not whether the massacres happened or not, but rather if these massacres were as a result of a deliberate preconceived decision of the Turkish government.. there is no evidence for such a decision.^[15]

Lewis stated that he believed 'to make [the Armenian Genocide] a parallel with the Holocaust in Germany' was 'rather absurd'.^[45] In an interview with Ha'aretz, he stated:

The deniers of Holocaust have a purpose: to prolong Nazism and to return to Nazi legislation. Nobody wants the 'Young Turks' back, and nobody wants to have back the Ottoman Law. What do the Armenians want? The Armenians want to benefit from both worlds. On the one hand, they speak with pride of their struggle against the Ottoman despotism, while on the other hand, they compare their tragedy to the Jewish Holocaust. I do not accept this. I do not say that the Armenians did not suffer terribly. But I find enough cause for me to contain their attempts to use the Armenian massacres to diminish the worth of the Jewish Holocaust and to relate to it instead as an ethnic dispute.^[46]

Lewis has been labelled a genocide denier by Stephen Zunes,^[47]Israel Charny,^[48]David B. MacDonald^[49] and the Armenian National Committee of America.^[50]Yair Auron suggested that 'Lewis' stature provided a lofty cover for the Turkish national agenda of obfuscating academic research on the Armenian Genocide'.^[51]Israel Charny wrote that Lewis' 'seemingly scholarly concern .. of Armenians constituting a threat to the Turks as a rebellious force who together with the Russians threatened the Ottoman Empire, and the insistence that only a policy of deportations was executed, barely conceal the fact that the organized deportations constituted systematic mass murder'.^[52] Charny compares the 'logical structures' employed by Lewis in his denial of the genocide to those employed by Ernst Nolte in his Holocaust negationism.^[53]

When Lewis received the National Humanities Medal from US President George W. Bush in November 2006, the Armenian National Committee of America objected: 'The President's decision to honor the work of a known genocide denier—an academic mercenary whose politically motivated efforts to cover up the truth run counter to the very principles this award was established to honor—represents a true betrayal of the public trust.'^[54]

Views and influence on contemporary politics[edit]

In the mid-1960s, Lewis emerged as a commentator on the issues of the modern Middle East and his analysis of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the rise of militant Islam brought him publicity and aroused significant controversy. American historian Joel Beinin has called him 'perhaps the most articulate and learned Zionist advocate in the North American Middle East academic community'.^[55] Lewis's policy advice has particular weight thanks to this scholarly authority.^[28] U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney remarked 'in this new century, his wisdom is sought daily by policymakers, diplomats, fellow academics, and the news media'.^[56]

A harsh critic of the Soviet Union, Lewis continued the liberal tradition in Islamic historical studies. Although his early Marxist views had a bearing on his first book The Origins of Ismailism, Lewis subsequently discarded Marxism. His later works are a reaction against the left-wing current of Third-worldism which came to be a significant current in Middle Eastern studies.^[3]

During his career Lewis developed ties with governments around the world: during her time as Prime Minister of Israel, Golda Meir assigned Lewis' articles as reading to her cabinet members, and during the Presidency of George W. Bush, he advised administration members including Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and Bush himself. He was also close to King Hussein of Jordan and his brother, Prince Hassan bin Talal. He also had ties to the regime of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the last Shah of Iran, the Turkish military dictatorship led by Kenan Evren, and the Egyptian government of Anwar Sadat: he acted as a go-between between the Sadat administration and Israel in 1971 when he relayed a message to the Israeli government regarding the possibility of a peace agreement at the request of Sadat's spokesman Tahasin Bashir.^[57]

Lewis advocated closer Western ties with Israel and Turkey, which he saw as especially important in light of the extension of the Soviet influence in the Middle East. Modern Turkey holds a special place in Lewis's view of the region due to the country's efforts to become a part of the West.^[3] He was an Honorary Fellow of the Institute of Turkish Studies, an honor which is given 'on the basis of generally recognized scholarly distinction and .. long and devoted service to the field of Turkish Studies.'^[58]

Lewis views Christendom and Islam as civilizations that have been in perpetual collision since the advent of Islam in the 7th century. In his essay The Roots of Muslim Rage (1990), he argued that the struggle between the West and Islam was gathering strength. According to one source, this essay (and Lewis' 1990 Jefferson Lecture on which the article was based) first introduced the term 'Islamic fundamentalism' to North America.^[59] This essay has been credited with coining the phrase 'clash of civilizations', which received prominence in the eponymous book by Samuel Huntington.^[60] However, another source indicates that Lewis first used the phrase 'clash of civilizations' at a 1957 meeting in Washington where it was recorded in the transcript.^[61]

In 1998, Lewis read in a London-based newspaper Al-Quds Al-Arabi a declaration of war on the United States by Osama bin Laden. In his essay 'A License to Kill', Lewis indicated he considered bin Laden's language as the 'ideology of jihad' and warned that bin Laden would be a danger to the West.^[60] The essay was published after the Clinton administration and the US intelligence community had begun its hunt for bin Laden in Sudan and then in Afghanistan.

Jihad[edit]

Lewis presented some of his conclusions about Islamic culture, Shari'a law, jihad, and the modern day phenomenon of terrorism in his text Islam: The Religion and the People.^[62] He writes of jihad as a distinct 'religious obligation', but suggests that 'it is a pity' that people engaging in terrorist activities are not more aware of their own religion:

Muslim fighters are commanded not to kill women, children, or the aged unless they attack first; not to torture or otherwise ill-treat prisoners; to give fair warning of the opening of hostilities or their resumption after a truce; and to honor agreements. .. At no time did the classical jurists offer any approval or legitimacy to what we nowadays call terrorism. Nor indeed is there any evidence of the use of terrorism as it is practiced nowadays.'^[63]

In Lewis' view, the 'by now widespread terrorism practice of suicide bombing is a development of the 20th century' with 'no antecedents in Islamic history, and no justification in terms of Islamic theology, law, or tradition'.^[64] He further comments that 'the fanatical warrior offering his victims the choice of the Koran or the sword is not only untrue, it is impossible' and that 'generally speaking, Muslim tolerance of unbelievers was far better than anything available in Christendom, until the rise of secularism in the 17th century'.^[65]

This view has been criticised by As'ad AbuKhalil, who noted that: 'Methodologically, [Lewis] insists that terrorism by individual Muslims should be considered Islamic terrorism, while terrorism by individual Jews or Christians is never considered Jewish or Christian terrorism.'^[66] He also criticised Lewis' understanding of Osama bin Laden, seeing Lewis' interpretation of bin Laden 'as some kind of influential Muslim theologian' along the lines of classical theologians like Al-Ghazali, rather than 'the terrorist fanatic that he is'. AbuKhalil has also criticised the place of Islam in Lewis' worldview more generally, arguing that the most prominent feature of his work was its 'theologocentrism' (borrowing a term from Maxime Rodinson) - that Lewis interprets all aspects of behaviour among Muslims solely through the lens of Islamic theology, subsuming the study of Muslim peoples, their languages, the geographical areas where Muslims predominate, Islamic governments, the governments of Arab countries and Sharia under the label of 'Islam'.^[57]

Debates with Edward Said[edit]

Lewis was known for his literary debates with Edward Said, the Palestinian American literary theorist whose aim was to deconstruct what he called Orientalist scholarship. Said, who was a professor at Columbia University, characterized Lewis' work as a prime example of Orientalism in his 1978 book Orientalism and in his later book Covering Islam. Said asserted that the field of Orientalism was political intellectualism bent on self-affirmation rather than objective study,^[67] a form of racism, and a tool of imperialist domination.^[68] He further questioned the scientific neutrality of some leading Middle East scholars, including Lewis, on the Arab World. In an interview with Al-Ahram weekly, Said suggested that Lewis' knowledge of the Middle East was so biased that it could not be taken seriously and claimed 'Bernard Lewis hasn't set foot in the Middle East, in the Arab world, for at least 40 years. He knows something about Turkey, I'm told, but he knows nothing about the Arab world.'^[69] Said considered that Lewis treats Islam as a monolithic entity without the nuance of its plurality, internal dynamics, and historical complexities, and accused him of 'demagogy and downright ignorance'.^[70] In Covering Islam, Said argued that 'Lewis simply cannot deal with the diversity of Muslim, much less human life, because it is closed to him as something foreign, radically different, and other,' and he criticised Lewis' 'inability to grant that the Islamic peoples are entitled to their own cultural, political, and historical practices, free from Lewis' calculated attempt to show that because they are not Western.. they can't be good.'^[12]

Rejecting the view that Western scholarship was biased against the Middle East, Lewis responded that Orientalism developed as a facet of European humanism, independently of the past European imperial expansion.^[3] He noted the French and English pursued the study of Islam in the 16th and 17th centuries, yet not in an organized way, but long before they had any control or hope of control in the Middle East; and that much of Orientalist study did nothing to advance the cause of imperialism. In his 1993 book Islam and the West, Lewis wrote 'What imperial purpose was served by deciphering the ancient Egyptian language, for example, and then restoring to the Egyptians knowledge of and pride in their forgotten, ancient past?'^[71]

Furthermore, Lewis accused Said of politicizing the scientific study of the Middle East (and Arabic studies in particular); neglecting to critique the scholarly findings of the Orientalists; and giving 'free rein' to his biases.^[72]

Stance on the Iraq War[edit]

In 2002, Lewis wrote an article for the Wall Street Journal regarding the buildup to the Iraq War entitled 'Time for Toppling', where he stated his opinion that 'a regime change may well be dangerous, but sometimes the dangers of inaction are greater than those of action'.^[73] In 2007, Jacob Weisberg described Lewis as 'perhaps the most significant intellectual influence behind the invasion of Iraq'.^[74]Michael Hirsh attributed to Lewis the view that regime change in Iraq would provide a jolt that would 'modernize the Middle East' and suggested that Lewis' allegedly 'orientalist' theories about 'what went wrong' in the Middle East, and other writings, formed the intellectual basis of the push towards war in Iraq. Hirsch reported that Lewis had told him in an interview that he viewed the September 11 attacks as 'the opening salvo of the final battle' between Western and Islamic civilisations: Lewis believed that a forceful response was necessary. In the run up to the Iraq War, he met with Vice President Dick Cheney several times: Hirsch quoted an unnamed official who was present at a number of these meetings, who summarised Lewis' view of Iraq as 'Get on with it. Don’t dither'.^[75]Brent Scowcroft quoted Lewis as stating that he believed 'that one of the things you’ve got to do to Arabs is hit them between the eyes with a big stick. They respect power'.^[76] As'ad AbuKhalil has claimed that Lewis assured Cheney that American troops would be welcomed by Iraqis and Arabs, relying on the opinion of his colleague Fouad Ajami.^[57] Hirsch also drew parallels between the Bush administration's plans for post-invasion Iraq and Lewis' views, in particular his admiration for Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's secularist and Westernising reforms in the new Republic of Turkey which emerged from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.^[75]

Writing in 2008, Lewis did not advocate imposing freedom and democracy on Islamic nations. 'There are things you can't impose. Freedom, for example. Or democracy. Democracy is a very strong medicine which has to be administered to the patient in small, gradually increasing doses. Otherwise, you risk killing the patient. In the main, the Muslims have to do it themselves.'^[77]

Ian Buruma, writing for The New Yorker in an article subtitled 'The two Minds of Bernard Lewis', finds Lewis's stance on the war difficult to reconcile with Lewis' past statements cautioning democracy enforcement in the world at large. Buruma ultimately rejects suggestions by his peers that Lewis promotes war with Iraq to safeguard Israel, but instead concludes 'perhaps he loves it [the Arab world] too much':

It is a common phenomenon among Western students of the Orient to fall in love with a civilization. Such love often ends in bitter impatience when reality fails to conform to the ideal. The rage, in this instance, is that of the Western scholar. His beloved civilization is sick. And what would be more heartwarming to an old Orientalist than to see the greatest Western democracy cure the benighted Muslim? It is either that or something less charitable: if a final showdown between the great religions is indeed the inevitable result of a millennial clash, then we had better make sure that we win.^[78]

Hamid Dabashi, writing on 28 May 2018, in an article subtitled 'On Bernard Lewis and 'his extraordinary capacity for getting everything wrong', asked: 'Just imagine: What sort of a person would spend a lifetime studying people he loathes? It is quite a bizarre proposition. But there you have it: the late Bernard Lewis did precisely that.' Similarly, Richard Bulliet described Lewis as '..a person who does not like the people he is purporting to have expertise about..he doesn’t respect them, he considers them to be good and worthy only to the degree they follow a Western path'.^[75] According to As'ad AbuKhalil, 'Lewis has poisoned the Middle East academic field more than any other Orientalist and his influence has been both academic and political. But there is a new generation of Middle East experts in the West who now see clearly the political agenda of Bernard Lewis. It was fully exposed in the Bush years.'^[79]

Bernard Lewis The Roots Of Muslim Rage Pdf

Alleged nuclear threat from Iran[edit]

In 2006, Lewis wrote that Iran had been working on a nuclear weapon for fifteen years. In August 2006, in an article about whether the world can rely on the concept of mutual assured destruction as a deterrent in its dealings with Iran, Lewis wrote in the Wall Street Journal about the significance of 22 August 2006 in the Islamic calendar. The Iranian president had indicated he would respond by that date to U.S. demands regarding Iran's development of nuclear power. Lewis wrote that the date corresponded to the 27th day of the month of Rajab of the year 1427, the day Muslims commemorate the night flight of Muhammad from Jerusalem to heaven and back. Lewis wrote that it would be 'an appropriate date for the apocalyptic ending of Israel and, if necessary, of the world'.^[80]

According to Lewis, mutual assured destruction is not an effective deterrent in the case of Iran, because of what Lewis describes as the Iranian leadership's 'apocalyptic worldview' and the 'suicide or martyrdom complex that plagues parts of the Islamic world today'.^[81] He then suggested the possibility of a nuclear strike on Israel on 22 August 2006:

What is the significance of Aug. 22? This year, Aug. 22 corresponds, in the Islamic calendar, to the 27th day of the month of Rajab of the year 1427. This, by tradition, is the night when many Muslims commemorate the night flight of Muhammad on the winged horse Buraq, first to 'the farthest mosque,' usually identified with Jerusalem, and then to heaven and back^[Quran17:1]. This might well be deemed an appropriate date for the apocalyptic ending of Israel and if necessary of the world. It is far from certain that Mr. Ahmadinejad plans any such cataclysmic events precisely for 22 Aug. But it would be wise to bear the possibility in mind.^[80]

Lewis' article received significant press coverage.^[82][83] However, the day passed without any incident.^[84][85][86]

In his 2009 book Engaging the Muslim World, the American academic Juan Cole responded that there was no evidence to suggest that Iran had been working on a nuclear weapon for fifteen years. He also disagreed with Lewis' suggestion that Ahmadinejad 'might deploy this weapon against Israel on 22 August 2006'.^[87]

Death[edit]

Bernard Lewis died on 19 May 2018 at the age of 101, at an assisted-living care facility in Voorhees Township, New Jersey, twelve days before his 102nd birthday.^[88] He is buried in Trumpeldor Cemetery in Tel Aviv.^[89]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

1. ^ ^ab'Lewis, Bernard 1916- - Dictionary definition of Lewis, Bernard 1916- - Encyclopedia.com: FREE online dictionary'. www.encyclopedia.com.
2. ^'Bernard Lewis, Scholar and Political Advisor, Dead At 101'. Jerusalem Post. Jerusalem. 20 May 2018. Retrieved 20 May 2018.
3. ^ ^{abcdefghijklmno}Kramer, Martin (1999). 'Bernard Lewis'. Encyclopedia of Historians and Historical Writing. 1. London: Fitzroy Dearborn. pp. 719–20. Archived from the original on 27 December 2010. Retrieved 23 May 2006.
4. ^Abrahmson, James L. (8 June 2007). 'Will the West – and the United States – Go the Distance?'. American Diplomacy. Retrieved 16 February 2015.
5. ^Weisberg, Jacob (14 March 2007). 'AEI's weird celebration'. Slate. Retrieved 16 February 2015.
6. ^Neocons Gather To Fete Iraq War Godfather Bernard Lewis, The Forward
7. ^Bernard Lewis revises Bernard Lewis (says he opposed invasion of Iraq!), Mondoweiss
8. ^How neoconservatives led US to war in Iraq, The National (Abu Dhabi)
9. ^Migdal, Joel (2014). Shifting Sands the United States in the Middle East. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 241. ISBN9780231536349.
10. ^Ahmad, Muhammad (2014). The road to Iraq : the making of a neoconservative war. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN9780748693054.
11. ^Chaudet, Didier (2016). When Empire Meets Nationalism : Power Politics in the US and Russia. City: Routledge. ISBN978-1134762538.
12. ^ ^abSaid, Edward (1997). Covering Islam: how the media and the experts determine how we see the rest of the world. New York: Random House. pp. xxx–xxxi. ISBN978-0-679-75890-7.
13. ^Edward W. Said and Oleg Grabar, reply by Bernard Lewis (12 August 1982). 'Orientalism: An Exchange'. New York Review of Books.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
14. ^ ^abRonald Grigor Suny, Fatma Müge Göçek, Norman M. Naimark, eds. (2011). A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire. Oxford University Press. p. 31. ISBN9780199781041.CS1 maint: uses editors parameter (link)
15. ^ ^abGetler, Michae (21 April 2006). 'Documenting and Debating a 'Genocide''. PBS. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
16. ^http://www.voltairenet.org/article14133.html
17. ^Lewis 2004, pp. 1–2.
18. ^'Bernard Lewis Cleveland E. Dodge Professor of Near Eastern Studies, Emeritus'. University of Princeton. Archived from the original on 16 May 2006. Retrieved 26 May 2006.
19. ^'Profile: Professor Bernard Lewis'. Telegraph. 15 February 2004. Retrieved 20 May 2018.
20. ^Sugarman, Martin (6 October 2008). 'Breaking the codes; Jewish personnel at Bletchley Park'(PDF). Bletchley Park. Retrieved 19 February 2015.
21. ^Lewis 2004, pp. 3–4.
22. ^Lewis 2004, pp. 6–7.
23. ^Karni, Annie (8 November 2007). 'Group formed to improve Middle East scholarship'. The New York Sun. Retrieved 19 February 2015.
24. ^'About ASMEA'. ASMEA. 20 May 2018.
25. ^'Jefferson Lecture'. The National Endowment for the Humanities. Retrieved 19 February 2015.
26. ^Lewis, Bernard (1 September 1990). 'The roots of Muslim rage'. The Atlantic. Retrieved 19 February 2015.
27. ^'The 2007 Irving Kristol Lecture by Bernard Lewis'. AEI. Retrieved 20 May 2018.
28. ^ ^abcHumphreys, R. Stephen (May–June 1990). 'Bernard Lewis: An Appreciation'. Humanities. 11 (3): 17–20. Retrieved 20 February 2015.
29. ^Lewis 2004, pp. 156–80.
30. ^Lewis, Bernard (2001). The Muslim Discovery of Europe. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. p. 22. ISBN978-0393321654.
31. ^Lewis, Bernard (2004). The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror. New York: Random House Trade Paperbacks. pp. 90–91, 108, 110–11. ISBN978-0812967852.
32. ^'What Went Wrong'. C-SPAN. 30 December 2001. Retrieved 25 March 2017.
33. ^Karsh, Efraim (2007). Islamic Imperialism: A History. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. p. 242. ISBN978-0300106039. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
34. ^Bostom, Andrew G. (6 June 2006). 'Bernard Lewis and Islam'. FrontPageMagazine. Archived from the original on 9 July 2012. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
35. ^Dadrian, Vahakn N. (2007). Warrant for Genocide: Key Elements of Turko-Armenian Conflict. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. p. 131. ISBN978-0765805591.
36. ^Nathaniel Herzberg (22 April 2005). 'L'historien Bernard Lewis condamné pour avoir nié la réalité du génocide arménien'. Le Monde.
37. ^'Condamnation judiciaire de Bernard Lewis'. Voltaire Network (in French). 8 June 2004. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
38. ^'Condamnation judiciaire de Bernard Lewis'. Voltaire Network (in French). 8 June 2004. Retrieved 21 February 2015. c’est en occultant les éléments contraires à sa thèse, que le défendeur a pu affirmer qu’il n’y avait pas de 'preuve sérieuse' du génocide arménien ; [..] il a ainsi manqué à ses devoirs d’objectivité et de prudence, en s’exprimant sans nuance, sur un sujet aussi sensible (Translation: it is by concealing the elements contrary to his thesis that the defendant could affirm that there was no 'serious proof' of the Armenian genocide; [..] he has thus failed in his duty of objectivity and prudence in expressing himself without nuance on such a sensitive subject)
39. ^ ^ab'Les actions engagées par les parties civiles arméniennes contre 'le Monde' déclarées irrecevables par le tribunal de Paris'. Le Monde (in French). 27 November 1994.
40. ^'Lewis Replies'. Princeton Alumni Weekly. 5 June 1996. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
41. ^Auron, Yair (2005). The Banality of Denial: Israel and the Armenian Genocide. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. p. 235. ISBN978-0765808349.
42. ^Melson, Robert (1992). Revolution and Genocide: On the Origins of the Armenian Genocide and the Holocaust. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 289. ISBN978-0226519906.
43. ^MacDonald, David B. (2008). Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide: The Holocaust and Historical Representation'. London: Routledge. p. 241. ISBN978-0415430616.
44. ^Finkelstein, Norman G. (2003). The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering. London: Verso. p. 69. ISBN978-1859844885.
45. ^ ^ab'Statement of Professor Bernard Lewis, Princeton University, 'Distinguishing Armenian Case from Holocaust''(PDF). Assembly of Turkish American Associations. 14 April 2002. Archived(PDF) from the original on 15 July 2006. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
46. ^Karpel, Dalia (23 January 1998). 'There Was No Genocide: Interview with Prof. Bernard Lewis'. Ha'aretz Weekly. Assembly of Turkish American Associations. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
47. ^Zunes, Stephen. 'US Denial of the Armenian Genocide'. Common Dreams. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
48. ^The Psychological Satisfaction of Denials of the Holocaust or Other Genocides by Non-Extremists or Bigots, and Even by Known Scholars, by Israel Charny, 'IDEA' journal, 17 July 2001, Vol.6, no.1
49. ^Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide: The Holocaust and Historical Representation, By David B. MacDonald, Routledge, 2008, ISBN0-415-43061-5, p. 121
50. ^'Genocide Denier Bernard Lewis Honored at White House Ceremony - Asbarez.com'. asbarez.com.
51. ^Bostom, Andrew G. (31 December 2004). 'The Islamization of Europe'. FrontPageMagazine. Archived from the original on 21 February 2015. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
52. ^Charny, Israel (17 July 2001). 'The Psychological Satisfaction of Denials of the Holocaust or Other Genocides by Non-Extremists or Bigots, and Even by Known Scholars'. IDEA. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
53. ^Charny, Israel W. (2006). Fighting Suicide Bombing: A Worldwide Campaign for Life. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Security International. p. 241. ISBN978-0275993368.
54. ^'Armenian Genocide Denier Bernard Lewis Awarded National Humanities Medal'. Armenian National Committee of America. Archived from the original on 21 February 2015. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
55. ^Beinin, Joel (July 1987). 'Review of Semites and Anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice by Bernard Lewis'. MERIP Middle East Report (147): 42–45. doi:10.2307/3011952. JSTOR3011952.
56. ^'Remarks by Vice President Cheney at the World Affairs Council of Philadelphia Luncheon Honoring Professor Bernard Lewis'. The White House. 2 May 2006. Retrieved 22 February 2015.
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60. ^ ^abAjami, Fouad (2 May 2006). 'A Sage in Christendom: A Personal Tribute to Bernard Lewis'. OpinionJournal. Retrieved 23 May 2006.
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76. ^Goldberg, Jeffrey (31 October 2005). 'Breaking Ranks'. newyorker.com. Retrieved 30 June 2018.
77. ^Leibowitz, Ruthie Blum (6 March 2008). 'One on One: When Defeat Means Liberation'. The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 24 February 2015.
78. ^Buruma, Ian (14 June 2004). 'Lost in Translation: The Two Minds of Bernard Lewis'. The New Yorker. Retrieved 24 February 2015.
79. ^Bernard Lewis and His Reputation by As'ad AbuKhalil, 2012-12-17
80. ^ ^abLewis, Bernard (8 August 2006). 'August 22'. Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 26 February 2015.
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86. ^One week…and still no nuclear apocalypse, Aditya Dasgupta, August 30, 2006, Foreign Policy
87. ^Cole, Juan (2009). Engaging the Muslim World. p. 205. ISBN9780230620575.
88. ^Murphy, Brian (19 May 2018). 'Bernard Lewis, eminent historian of the Middle East, dies at 101'. Washington Post. Retrieved 19 May 2018.
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Bibliography[edit]

• Lewis, Bernard (1971). Race and color in Islam. New York: Harper & Row.
• Lewis, Bernard (1984). The Jews of Islam. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN978-0-691-16087-0.
• Lewis, Bernard (1992). Race and slavery in the Middle East: an historical enquiry. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-505326-5.
• Lewis, Bernard (1997). The Middle East: A Brief History of the Last 2,000 Years. New York: Scribner. ISBN978-0-684-80712-6.
• Lewis, Bernard (2001). The Muslim Discovery of Europe. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN978-0-393-32165-4.
• Lewis, Bernard (2002). What Went Wrong?. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-06051-6-055.
• Lewis, Bernard (2004). From Babel to Dragomans: Interpreting The Middle East. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-517336-9.
• Lewis, Bernard; Churchill, Buntzie Ellis (2008). Islam: The Religion and the People. Indianapolis: Wharton Press. ISBN978-0-13-223085-8.
• Lewis, Bernard; Churchill, Buntzie Ellis (2012). Notes on a century: reflections of a Middle East historian. New York: Viking Penguin. ISBN978-0-670-02353-0.

External links[edit]

• Bernard Lewis on IMDb
• Works by Bernard Lewis at Open Library
• Revered and Reviled – Lewis' profile on Moment Magazine
• The Legacy and Fallacies of Bernard Lewis by As`ad AbuKhalil
• Appearances on C-SPAN

Bernard Lewis, an eminent historian of Islam who traced the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, to a declining Islamic civilization, a controversial view that influenced world opinion and helped shape American foreign policy under President George W. Bush, died on Saturday in Voorhees Township, N.J. He was 101.

His longtime partner, Buntzie Churchill, confirmed the death, at a retirement facility.

Few outsiders and no academics had more influence with the Bush administration on Middle Eastern affairs than Mr. Lewis. The president carried a marked-up copy of one of his articles in his briefing papers and met with him before and after the invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Mr. Lewis gave briefings at the White House, the residence of Vice President Dick Cheney and the Pentagon under Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.

His essential argument about Islam was that Islamic civilization had been decaying for centuries, leaving extremists like Osama bin Laden in a position to exploit Muslims’ long-festering frustration by sponsoring terrorism on an international scale. After Arab terrorists hijacked commercial airliners and crashed them into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon in a coordinated operation sanctioned by bin Laden, Mr. Lewis was immediately sought out by American policymakers.

He provided critical intellectual linkage between the religious fundamentalism of bin Laden, which he said was a response to oppressive Arab regimes, and the secular despotism of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Democracy, he said, was the solution for both. “Either we bring them freedom, or they destroy us,” Mr. Lewis wrote.

Though he later said he would have preferred that the United States had fomented rebellion in northern Iraq rather than invading the country, he was widely perceived to have beaten the drum for war. In an essay in The Wall Street Journal in 2002, he predicted that Iraqis would “rejoice” over an American invasion, a flawed forecast echoed by Mr. Cheney and others in the White House.

People spoke of a “Lewis doctrine” of imposing democracy on despotic regimes. His book “What Went Wrong? The Clash between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East” (2002) became a handbook for understanding what had happened on Sept. 11. (The book was at the printer when the attacks occurred.) Articles he wrote in The New Yorker, The Atlantic and The Wall Street Journal were widely discussed.

On the war’s eve, Mr. Cheney mentioned Mr. Lewis on the NBC News program “Meet the Press” as someone who shared his belief that “a strong, firm U.S. response to terror and to threats to the United States would go a long way, frankly, to calming things down in that part of the world.”

In 2004, Mr. Lewis said in a PBS interview with Charlie Rose that pursuing Al Qaeda’s forces in Afghanistan was insufficient. “One had to get to the heart of the matter in the Middle East,” he said.

‘Clash of Civilizations’

Mr. Lewis long propounded his diagnosis of a sick Arab society. In a cover article in The Atlantic in 1990, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” he used the phrase “clash of civilizations” to describe what he saw as inevitable friction between the Islamic world and the West. (The political scientist Samuel P. Huntington borrowed the phrase in an influential article of his own in 1993, crediting Mr. Lewis.)

In his article, Mr. Lewis wrote: “Islam has brought comfort and peace of mind to countless millions of men and women. It has given dignity and meaning to drab and impoverished lives. It has taught people of different races to live in brotherhood and people of different creeds to live side by side in reasonable tolerance. It inspired a great civilization in which others besides Muslims lived creative and useful lives and which, by its achievement, enriched the whole world.

“But Islam,” he continued, “like other religions, has also known periods when it inspired in some of its followers a mood of hatred and violence. It is our misfortune that part, though by no means all or even most, of the Muslim world is now going through such a period, and that much, though again not all, of that hatred is directed against us.”

In his view Islamic fundamentalism was at war with both secularism and modernism, as embodied by the West. Fundamentalists, he wrote, had “given an aim and a form to the otherwise aimless and formless resentment and anger of the Muslim masses at the forces that have devalued their traditional values and loyalties and, in the final analysis, robbed them of their beliefs, their aspirations, their dignity, and to an increasing extent even their livelihood.”

Mr. Cheney once noted that in the 1970s, before the Iranian revolution, Mr. Lewis had “studied the writings of an obscure cleric named Khomeini and saw the seeds of a movement that would deliver theocratic despotism.” Supporters of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini ousted Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi in 1979.

Critics of Mr. Lewis said he treated Western imperialism, American interventions and Israeli displacement of Palestinians as consequences of the region’s political failures and social backwardness rather than as contributors to them. The political scientist Alan Wolfe called Mr. Lewis’s positions on Islam “belligerent.” The Islamic historian Richard Bulliet suggested that Mr. Lewis looked down on modern Arabs.

Bernard Lewis Iran

“He doesn’t respect them,” Mr. Bulliet said in an interview with Washington Monthly. “He considers them to be good and worthy only to the degree they follow a Western path.”

Mr. Lewis’s most prominent opponent, the Palestinian American scholar Edward W. Said, called Mr. Lewis a propagandist for Eurocentric views who distorted the truth and hid his politics under the veneer of scholarship. Writing in The Nation, Mr. Said said Mr. Lewis, along with Mr. Huntington, reasoned “as if hugely complicated matters like identity and culture existed in a cartoonlike world where Popeye and Bluto bash each other mercilessly.”

Mr. Lewis had an answer for his critics: “If Westerners cannot legitimately study the history of Africa or the Middle East, then only fish can study marine biology.”

Mr. Lewis did not seem to mind antagonizing Arabs. Several times he defended the crusades as necessary to limit the power of Islamic civilization. Gta spiderman mod game. He called Arab nations “a string of shabby tyrannies.” He said asking the Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat to give up terrorism was like asking Tiger Woods to give up golf. Discussing the power of Saudi fundamentalists, he drew a hypothetical comparison to the Ku Klux Klan’s controlling Texas oil revenues.

Bernard Lewis Tarihte Araplar Pdf

“As a specialist on Islam, I find myself disturbed by the nonsense being talked, by both Muslims and non-Muslims,” he said. “On the one hand, you have people who would have you believe that Islam is a bloodthirsty religion bent on world destruction. On the other hand, you have people telling us that Islam is a religion of love and peace — rather like the Quakers, but less aggressive.”

“The truth,” he concluded, “is in its usual place.”

A Scholar of Languages

Bernard Lewis was born in London on May 31, 1916, as World War I raged. His father, Harry, was a real estate broker; his mother, Jenny, was a homemaker. At 12, as he prepared for his bar mitzvah, he realized that Hebrew was actually a language with grammar, not an “encipherment of prayers and rituals,” he wrote in “From Babel to Dragomans: Interpreting the Middle East” (2004).

By the time he entered the School of Oriental Studies at the University of London (now the School of Oriental and African Studies), he had read widely and deeply in Hebrew and begun a lifelong study of languages, including Aramaic, classical and modern Arabic, Latin, Greek, Persian and Turkish.

History was another passion, and it, too, harked back to his bar mitzvah. One gift he received that day was an outline of Jewish history, about which he knew little. It led him to read about Cordoba, Spain, under the Moors; Baghdad under the Caliphs; and Istanbul under Ottoman rule. At the university, he became a star student of Hamilton Gibb, a great scholar of Islam, and graduated with honors in history in 1936 with special reference to the Middle East.

One day, as he recalled, Mr. Gibb asked him: “You have now been studying the Middle East for four years. Don’t you think it’s time you saw the place?”

Mr. Lewis embarked on a traveling fellowship to Palestine, Syria, Lebanon and Turkey, and attended classes at Cairo University. His encounters with the people of those lands underpinned his later observations about them.

“There is something in the religious culture of Islam,” he wrote in one instance, “which inspired, in even the humblest peasant or peddler, a dignity and a courtesy toward others never exceeded and rarely equaled in other civilizations.”

In 1938 he was named an assistant lecturer at the University of London, where he earned his Ph.D. the next year. In 1940 he was drafted into the British armed forces and assigned to the Army tank corps. He was soon transferred to intelligence.

After the war, Mr. Lewis wanted to study in Arab countries, but as a Jew in the late 1940s and early ’50s, he would have been denied a visa after Israel’s independence. Refusing to lie about being a Jew, as others did, he switched his focus to Turkey and Iran during the Ottoman period.

He happened to be in Istanbul in 1950 when the Turkish government opened the Imperial Ottoman Archives; he was the first Western scholar granted access to them. He also witnessed Turkey’s first free election, leading to his acclaimed 1961 book, “The Emergence of Modern Turkey.”

Some academics believe that Mr. Lewis mistakenly applied the lessons of secular, democratic modern Turkey to Arab countries with a far different history. Armenians contended that his attachment to Turkey had led him to deny that the Turkish slaughter of Armenians in 1915, which he acknowledged and condemned, was genocide. He defined genocide as government-sponsored premeditated mass murder.

In the 1990s, a French court fined him one franc for neglecting to cite objective evidence that might have refuted his opinion on the Armenian killings in an article for the newspaper Le Monde.

Mr. Lewis married Ruth Helene Oppenhejm, from Denmark, in 1947, and they divorced in 1974.

Besides Ms. Churchill, he is survived by a son, Michael; a daughter, Melanie Dunn; seven grandchildren; and three great-grandsons.

In 1974, he accepted joint appointments at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, N.J., and Princeton University, partly to gain more time for research. He also taught at Cornell from 1984 to 1990, among other teaching jobs. He became an American citizen in 1982.

His influence grew in the 1970s, as he advised Senator Henry M. Jackson, Democrat of Washington, and other foreign policy hard-liners who were later identified as neoconservative. Mr. Lewis accepted the neoconservative label for himself. In the mid-1970s, Prime Minister Golda Meir of Israel required her cabinet to read his article arguing that Palestinians had no claim to a state.

Bernard Lewis Map

Mr. Lewis, who wrote or edited more than two dozen books and hundreds of articles, was regarded as perhaps the leading expert on interactions between the Christian and Islamic worlds. He said that Jews had been treated better in Islamic countries than in Christian ones for much of history. He said he often chose to see events from the Muslim side.

“At Vienna, I’m at the Turkish lines, not with the defenders,” he said, referring to the 1683 European victory over the Ottoman attempt to conquer the Hapsburg Empire.

Bernard Lewis Hata Neredeydi Pdf

In “From Babel to Dragomans,” Mr. Lewis discussed how an earlier work of his had been translated and published in Hebrew by the Israeli Ministry of Defense and in Arabic by the Muslim Brotherhood, a fundamentalist group.

“The translator of the Arabic version, in his introductory remarks, observed that the author of this book was one of two things: a candid friend or an honorable enemy, and in either case, one who does not distort or evade the truth,” Mr. Lewis wrote.

“I am content to abide by that judgment.”